Report Explores Links Among Women's Autonomy, Smaller Families, and Healthier Children

Population Reference Bureau

Research in developing countries over the past 30 years suggests that maternal and child health tend to improve, fertility and childhood mortality tend to decline, and population growth slows when women gain greater autonomy and equality with men. But the links between women's status and population change reflect each country's culture. They are not the same everywhere or at all times, according to a new report from the private, nonprofit Population Reference Bureau.

Demographer Nancy Riley's survey of the social science research suggests that gender equality is not likely to translate automatically into mortality or fertility declines, and that both mortality and fertility have declined in societies with little gender equality. Dr. Riley found that education and paid employment are more likely to lower fertility and child mortality if they increase a woman's power to make decisions about health care, contraception, or the timing and number of her children.

"But in societies where a woman's major source of power comes from her role as a mother, increased female education, paid employment, and lower fertility may actually lessen women's power," she noted.

Education's influence on health and fertility

In nearly all societies, Riley found that the amount of education a woman achieves affects the number of children she has and her children's health and nutrition.

Fertility levels are usually lowest among the most highly educated women within a country. In Brazil, for example, women with no formal schooling have an average of 6.7 children while those with a secondary or higher education have only 3.2 children on average.

The relationship between women's education and child health and mortality is even stronger. Mothers with more education witness fewer deaths among their children. In Indonesia, for example, the death rate for children under age five drops from 131 deaths per 1,000 births for mothers with no formal education to 51 for mothers with a secondary or higher education.

The mother's education also effects a child's nutritional status. Children whose mothers completed a secondary or higher education are much less likely to be short or underweight for their age than are children with less educated mothers.

"Women's education can influence fertility by providing women with new job opportunities and by introducing women to new values or ideas," said Riley. "Education probably influences infant and child mortality in similar ways," she said.

Power more important than earned income

"In general, employment outside the home operates much like education in that it exposes women to new ideas, new norms of behavior, and the influences of people outside the family," she said. "Because of interactions with people outside the family and a greater sense of power within it, women may feel they should have a larger role in decisions about how many children they should have, how to treat a sick child, whether and what kind of contraception to use, or decisions about moving to another area."

But the key to whether female employment affects demographic change lies in whether work translates into increased power for women. Employment might signal increased income and status for women in one culture, while it means poverty and arduous physical labor in another, she reported.

"In a society where women are expected to work, work may reflect positively on women's self-worth and signal that women have opportunities in an important sphere of society," explained Riley. "In another setting, women's labor force participation may be a sign of lower status or her husband's failure to earn enough to allow her to stay home and attend to family."

In most countries, women who work for cash have fewer children than those who do not work for cash. In Brazil, for example, women who work for pay average nearly two fewer children than those who do not.

But earned income does not translate into more power, or encourage smaller families in every culture, she reported. The fertility differences between women who do and do not work can be quite small within the same country. In Ghana, for example, women working for cash have only 0.7 fewer children than those not working for cash. In Mali, family size is the same whether or not a mother works. And in Nigeria, women who earned income had more children than women who did not.

Women's labor force participation does not have a consistent effect on child health either. In Uganda and Guatemala, children of employed mothers are less likely to have stunted physical growth from severe malnourishment, but in Sri Lanka the opposite appears to be true. There is also no uniform relationship between mother's employment and the percentage of children who are underweight for their age, another measure of malnourishment.

Riley's findings suggest that there is no "one-size-fits-all" policy for improving gender equality. But she is encouraged by the discussions following the International Conference on Population and Development in Cairo in 1994, and the move to broaden population policies and family planning programs to consider the cultural factors that shape women's lives in developing countries.

"Policymakers, family planning practitioners, and demographers are now engaged in a wide-ranging discussion on priorities for population programs and how to achieve them," she said. "Efforts to empower women and make family planning programs more culturally sensitive are drawing new attention."


Copies of "Gender, Power, and Population Change" may be purchased for $8.50 (price includes postage) from PRB.

Founded in 1929, the Population Reference Bureau is a private, nonprofit organization dedicated to the dissemination of timely and objective information on population trends.

From: Population Reference Bureau, Washington, DC. Copyright 1997. All rights reserved. Reproduced with permission.

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